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The Siloam Pool and Gihon Spring where used as an important water source for Jerusalem in biblical times.
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While "anti-Zionism" is not defined in modern dictionaries, its use dates back to at least 1902, and it was regularly used in the 1920s and 1930s in relation to events in the British Mandate of Palestine, when some Arab organizations opposed Jewish immigration to the area.

The earliest biblical reference to Zion (Hebrew: ציון Tsiyown) is found in the book of 2 Samuel:

Nevertheless, David took the stronghold of Zion, that is, the city of David. (2 Sam. 5:7).

¹ I will lift up my eyes to ^[1] the mountains; From where shall my help come? ² My help comes from the LORD, Who made heaven and earth. ³ He will not allow your foot to slip; He who keeps you will not slumber. ⁴ Behold, He who keeps Israel Will neither slumber nor sleep. ⁵ The LORD is your keeper; The LORD is your shade on your right hand. ⁶ The sun will not smite you by day, Nor the moon by night. ⁷ The LORD will protect you from all evil; He will keep your soul. ⁸ The LORD will guard your going out and your coming in From this time forth and forever. (Psalm 121)

In the 1800's, Jews moved into homes in the City of David. They were eventually evicted during the British Mandate and recently they have been moving back. Today, the City of David has a population of rougly 40% Jews and 60% Arabs.

History of Anti-Zionism

Painting of the Vilna Gaon, mentor of the Perushim. Source: Yesodei Hatorah School corridor wall. Date: 1915. Author: unknown

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Among Jews in the Jewish diaspora Eretz Israel was revered in a religious sense. They thought of a return to it in a future messianic age. Return remained a recurring theme among generations, particularly in Passover and Yom Kippur prayers which traditionally concluded with, "Next year in Jerusalem", and in the thrice-daily Amidah (Standing prayer).

Jews in Jerusalem 1895
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Support for aliyah does not always translate into support of the modern Zionist movement; and as a result some religious Jews, and some secular Jews, do not support Zionism. However, Zionism does have the support of the overwhelming majority of the Jewish religious community, with nearly full support from Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform movements.

It should be noted that non-Zionist Jews are not necessarily anti-Zionists.

Many Hasidic rabbis opposed the creation of a secular Jewish state. The leader of the Satmar hasidic sect, Rabbi Joel Teitelbaum's book, VaYoel Moshe, published in 1958, expounds one Orthodox position on Zionism, based on a literal form of midrash (biblical interpretation). Citing to Tractate Kesubos 111a of the Talmud Teitelbaum states that God and the Jewish people exchanged three oaths at the time of the Jews' exile from ancient Israel.

Secular

Prior to WWII

WWII and the creation of Israel

The full knowledge of the Holocaust altered the views of many who critiqued Zionism before 1948, including the British journalist Isaac Deutscher, a socialist and life-long atheist who nevertheless emphasised the importance of his Jewish heritage. Before World War II, Deutscher opposed Zionism as economically retrograde and harmful to the cause of international socialism, but in the aftermath of the Holocaust he regretted his pre-war views, arguing for Israel's establishment as a "historic necessity" to provide a refuge for the surviving Jews of Europe. In the 1960s Deutscher renewed his criticism of Zionism, scrutinizing Israel for its failure to recognise the dispossession of the Palestinians.

Religious

Arab

Anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist narratives—particularly popular in Arab countries with violent experiences of colonial rule—focus especially on parallels with cases such as Algeria or Rhodesia, seeing it in terms of a foreign power encouraging immigration into the country of a group which then sought to dominate the country. According to this view, the natural means of combating Zionism is considered to be Palestinian revolution, and the expulsion or weakening of the Zionist "occupiers". Among Palestinians, examples of notable individuals or political parties that emphasize anti-imperial and anti-colonial narratives in their opposition to Zionism include: Ghassan Kanafani, Edward Said, Leila Khaled, George Habash, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and The Palestinian Revolutionary Communist Party. Examples of Palestinian solidarity groups that root their activism against Zionism in anti-imperial and anti-colonial terms include: Students for Justice in Palestine, Al-Awda , and Sumoud . Critics of these movements argue that it is a logical fallacy to compare Zionism to imperialism or colonialism, on the grounds that Zionism is focused on a return to an ancestral homeland.

Pan-Arabist narratives—which enjoyed their heyday in the 1960s in the Nasser era, but have declined since—emphasize the idea of Palestine as a part of the Arab world taken by others (partly overlapping with the previous.) As such, Israel is seen as both a symbol of Arab weakness and—insofar as it geographically cuts the Arab world into two noncontiguous halves—an obstacle to any union of the Arab world. In this narrative, the natural means of combating Zionism is Arab nations uniting and attacking Israel militarily. Pan-Syrian narratives, promoted mainly by Syria, are essentially parallel.

Palestine map created by the British War Office in 1924. The original map is in the National Library Of Scotland in Edinburgh.
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In response to the Pan-Arabist narrative, Israeli historian Benny Morris commented:

Remember another thing: the Arab people gained a large slice of the planet. Not thanks to its skills or its great virtues, but because it conquered and murdered and forced those it conquered to convert during many generations. But in the end the Arabs have 22 states. The Jewish people did not have even one state. There was no reason in the world why it should not have one state. Therefore, from my point of view, the need to establish this state in this place overcame the injustice that was done to the Palestinians by uprooting them.

Israel on the other hand claims that it controls only 23% of the original mandate, with the rest under the control of the hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which already has a majority Palestinian Arab population.

A poll of Arab-Israelis conducted by the Israeli Democracy Institute in 2007 found that 75% of Arab-Israelis support the existence of a Jewish state:

A vast majority of Israeli Arabs would support a constitution that maintained Israel's status as a Jewish and democratic state while guaranteeing equal rights for minorities. Among the 507 people who participated in the poll, some 75 percent said they would agree with such a definition while 23 percent said they would oppose it.

Muslim

Palestinian and other Muslim groups, as well as the government of Iran (since 1979 Islamic Revolution), insist that the State of Israel is illegitimate and refuse to refer to it as "Israel", instead using the locution "the Zionist entity" (see Iran-Israel relations). In an interview with Time Magazine in December 2006, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said "Everyone knows that the Zionist regime is a tool in the hands of the United States and British governments" .

An example of this view is the work of Ismail al-Faruqi (1926-1986). In Islam and the Problem of Israel (1980), he argued that Zionism was a "disease" largely influenced by European romanticism far removed from Judaism. He opposed the Zionist occupation of Palestine and called for the dismantling of Israel and the launch of a jihad. He said that the injustice caused by Zionism is such as to necessitate war. From the standpoint of Islam, Faruqi wrote, Zionism represents apostasy against Judaism.

Western

It is a historical fact that since the year 1921 there has been an antisemitic anti-Zionism in existence. Alfred Rosenberg wrote his first book against Zionism in that year, and it is completely antisemitic. Second, antisemitism has been a part of Europe for two millennia. And antisemitism is like a chameleon that changes its complexion over time as its environment changes. In such a deeply antisemitic world as Europe, it’s just common sense to look for the ways in which the establishment of a Jewish state would reshape antisemitic thinking.

There was little opposition to Zionism in other countries but as Arab states became independent the desire to maintain positive relations with Arab states has often affected attitudes to Zionism.

Although supporting the creation of Israel, from 1949 onwards Communist countries adopted increasingly anti-Zionist and antisemitic positions and this affected attitudes of Communists in the West. The increasing popularity of a world-view emphasizing a global class struggle in which the Third World proletariat fought western exploiters placed the Palestinians as a focal point in global relations. In this "Third Worldist" worldview, Israel was generally described as a tool of western imperialism and a colonial settler state.

The growing conflict between Palestinians and Israeli settlers and between Palestinian liberation movements and the state of Israel has also generated an increase in anti-Zionism in the West.

Soviet

During most of Stalin's rule, the official position of the Soviet Union and of its satellite states and agencies was that Zionism was a tool used by the Jews and Americans for "racist imperialism", although Stalin would contradict official Communist Party policy by giving people like Russian Zionist, Dan Pines, support for Zionist activities inside the Soviet Union in the mid-1920s. From 1928-1934, during the so-called "Third Period", Stalin did a 180 degree turn and Zionism was outlawed in the Soviet Union. But by the late 1930s, the official position of Zionism began to change to a more favourable one. In the Soviet encyclopedia found in this time, it said that Jewish migration to Palestine had become a "progressive factor" because many of the workers stood on the left and could be used against the "pro-British" Arabs!

At the beginning of 1947, a very strange coalition had come into being over the Palestinian question, with the USA, the Soviet Union and the Zionists. They all supported the partition of Palestine. Stalin wanted to use the Jews in Palestine against British imperialism, and to establish a point of support for the Soviet bureaucracy in the Middle East. But the Israeli state drew closer to the west and was lost to Soviet influence.

During the last years of Stalin's rule after Israel was lost to Stalinist influence, official support for the creation of Israel became one of strong anti-semitism. While Stalin's campaigns were officially carried out under the banner of anti-Zionism, they had a strong antisemitic content, often borrowed directly from traditional Russian antisemitism. This included a campaign against so-called "rootless cosmopolitans" and the fabrication of the Doctors' plot. After Stalin's death, anti-Zionism continued through the rise of "Zionology" in the 1960s and subsequent activities of official organizations such as the Anti-Zionist committee of the Soviet public.

The meaning of the term Zionism was misrepresented in Stalinist Russia to conform to a policy of the ruling Communist Party of the Soviet Union: "the main posits of modern Zionism are militant chauvinism, racism, anti-Communism and anti-Sovietism,.. overt and covert fight against freedom movements and the USSR."

During the Cold War, the spectre of Zionism raised fears of internal dissent and opposition. The Soviet government liquidated almost all remaining Jewish organizations, and placed synagogues under police surveillance, both openly and through the use of informers. At the same time, the persecution of Soviet Jews emerged as a major human rights issue in the West. See Jackson-Vanik amendment.

In 1975, the Soviet Union sponsored the UN General Assembly Resolution 3379, discussed below.

International

In contrast, Martin Luther King is said to have replied to a black student who criticized "Zionists" at a 1968 dinner, "Don't talk like that! When people criticize Zionists they mean Jews. You are talking anti-Semitism." (The accuracy of this quotation is debated, and it became the source of a serious hoax.)

Paralleling the rise of anti-Zionist sentiment in the west was increased hostility towards Israel at the international level. During the 1950s and 1960s, Israel made great efforts to cultivate good relations with the newly independent states of Africa and Asia, and hostility to Israel was confined to the states of the Arab-Muslim world and the Communist bloc. A combination of inter-related circumstances in the 1970s radically changed this situation.

The first was the increased hostility to Israel following the onset of the Israel-Palestinian conflict in the late 1960s. The second was the decline in the prestige of the United States following the end of the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal. The third was increased economic power of the Arab oil-producing states in the aftermath of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War and the resulting energy crisis. The fourth was the rise of radical anti-western regimes in a series of African countries. The fifth was the increased diplomatic and economic presence of the Soviet Union, China and Cuba in Africa.

This anti-Zionist trend was manifested in organisations such as the Organization for African Unity and the Non-Aligned Movement, which passed resolutions condemning Zionism and equating it with racism and apartheid during the early 1970s. It culminated in the passing by the United Nations General Assembly of Resolution 3379 in November 1975, declaring that "Zionism is a form of racism." This resolution was passed by 72 votes to 35, with 32 abstentions.

The 72 votes in favour consisted of 12 Communist countries (including East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Byelorussia and the Ukraine), all 20 Arab states, another 12 Muslim-majority states (including Turkey), 14 non-Muslim African states, and 14 other states (including Brazil, India, Mexico and Portugal).

Those opposing included five African states (one of them Moslem), most of Latin America and practically the entire English-speaking world.

By 1991, this international situation had been reversed following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the American-led victory over Iraq in the Gulf War and the return of the United States to global political and economic dominance.

On December 16, 1991, the General Assembly passed Resolution 4686, repealing resolution 3379, by a vote of 111 to 25, with 13 abstentions and 17 delegations absent. Thirteen out of the 19 Arab countries, including those engaged in negotiations with Israel, voted against the repeal, another six were absent. No Arab country voted for repeal. The PLO denounced the vote. All the ex-Communist countries and most of the African countries who had supported Resolution 3379 voted to repeal it. Only three non-Muslim countries voted against the resolution: Cuba, North Korea and Vietnam. The rest abstained (including Turkey) or absented themselves.

International anti-Zionism, like domestic anti-Zionism in many countries, rises and falls in parallel with events in the Middle East, and the American-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 saw some revival of anti-Zionism in some countries; however, it is also possible that it was not until this time that media attention focused on the phenomenon.

Contemporary Jewish Debates on Anti-Zionism

In recent years, numerous commentators have argued that contemporary manifestations of anti-Zionism have become a cover for antisemitism, and that a "new antisemitism" rooted in anti-Zionism has emerged. Advocates of this concept argue that much of what purports to be criticism of Israel and Zionism is demonization, and has led to an international resurgence of attacks on Jews and Jewish symbols and an increased acceptance of antisemitic beliefs in public discourse. Critics of the concept argue that the equation of anti-Zionism with antisemitism is used to stifle legitimate criticisms of Israel, and trivializes antisemitism.

Many commentators assert that anti-Zionism can be anti-Semitic, but that anti-Zionism is not necessarily anti-Semitism. The difference is rather one of emphasis with some preferring to emphasize the link and others to separate the issues. Others argue that contemporary anti-Zionism is inherently anti-Semitic.

Dina Porat (head of the Institute for Study of Anti-semitism and Racism at Tel-Aviv University) contends that anti-Zionism is anti-semitic because it is discriminatory:

..antisemitism is involved when the belief is articulated that of all the peoples on the globe (including the Palestinians), only the Jews should not have the right to self-determination in a land of their own. Or, to quote noted human rights lawyer David Matas: One form of antisemitism denies access of Jews to goods and services because they are Jewish. Another form of antisemitism denies the right of the Jewish people to exist as a people because they are Jewish. Antizionists distinguish between the two, claiming the first is antisemitism, but the second is not. To the antizionist, the Jew can exist as an individual as long as Jews do not exist as a people.

that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism are two distinct ideologies that over time (especially since 1948) have tended to converge, generally without undergoing a full merger.

Anti-Zionism has become the most dangerous and effective form of anti-Semitism in our time, through its systematic delegitimization, defamation, and demonization of Israel. Although not a priori anti-Semitic, the calls to dismantle the Jewish state, whether they come from Muslims, the Left, or the radical Right, increasingly rely on an anti-Semitic stereotypization of classic themes, such as the manipulative "Jewish lobby," the Jewish/Zionist "world conspiracy," and Jewish/Israeli "warmongers."

Former Soviet dissident and Israeli Minister, Natan Sharansky has suggested a "3D Test of Anti-Semitism: Demonization, Double Standards, Delegitimization"

Brian Klug has argued that anti-Zionism and antisemitism are distinct concepts:

There is a long and ignoble history of "Zionist" being used as a code word for "Jew," as when Communist Poland carried out "anti-Zionist" purges in 1968, expelling thousands of Jews from the country, or when the extreme right today uses the acronym ZOG (Zionist Occupied Government) to refer to the US government. Moreover, the Zionist movement arose as a reaction to the persecution of Jews. Since anti-Zionism is the opposite of Zionism, and since Zionism is a form of opposition to anti-Semitism, it seems to follow that an anti-Zionist must be an anti-Semite. Nonetheless, the inference is invalid. To argue that hostility to Israel and hostility to Jews are one and the same thing is to conflate the Jewish state with the Jewish people. In fact, Israel is one thing, Jewry another. Accordingly, anti-Zionism is one thing, anti-Semitism another. They are separate. To say they are separate is not to say that they are never connected. But they are independent variables that can be connected in different ways.

Legitimate criticism of Israel, based on its policies against the Palestinian population in the Occupied Palestinian Territories as well as inside Israel cannot be called anti-Semitic. Such an accusation deliberately mis-uses the term, aimed at awakening fear of anti-Semitism, rather than diminishing it. It would represent the silencing of freedom of speech.

Debates over a "Jewish" state

Noam Chomsky, reports a change in the boundaries of what are considered Zionist and anti-Zionist views. In 1947, in his youth, Chomsky's support for a socialist binational state, in conjunction with his opposition to any semblance of a theocratic system of governance in Israel, was at the time considered well within the mainstream of secular Zionism; today, it lands him solidly in the anti-Zionist camp.

Alvin H. Rosenfeld in his much discussed essay, Progressive Jewish Thought and the New Anti-Semitism, , claims that a "number of Jews, through their speaking and writing, are feeding a rise in virulent antisemitism by questioning whether Israel should even exist." :Rosenfeld general claims are:

1. “At a time when the de-legitimization and, ultimately, the eradication of Israel is a goal being voiced with mounting fervor by the enemies of the Jewish state, it is more than disheartening to see Jews themselves adding to the vilification. That some do so in the name of Judaism itself makes the nature of their assault all the more grotesque.”
2. "Their contributions to what’s becoming normative discourse are toxic. They’re helping to make [anti-Semitic] views about the Jewish state respectable - for example, that it’s a Nazi-like state, comparable to South African apartheid; that it engages in ethnic cleansing and genocide. These charges are not true and can have the effect of delegitimizing Israel."

References

• Webster's 11th Collegiate Dictionary, ("Zionism,"), "An international movement originally for the establishment of a Jewish national or religious community in Palestine and later for the support of modern Israel."
• Raffaella A. Del Sarto, Israel’s Contested Identity and the Mediterranean, The territorial-political axis: Eretz Israel versus Medinat Israel, p.8
  • Reflecting the traditional divisions within the Zionist movement, this axis invokes two concepts, namely Eretz Israel, i.e. the biblical ‘Land of Israel’, and Medinat Israel, i.e. the Jewish and democratic State of Israel. While the concept of Medinat Israel dominated the first decades of statehood in accordance with the aspirations of Labour Zionism, the 1967 conquest of land that was part of ‘biblical Israel’ provided a material basis for the ascent of the concept of Eretz Israel. Expressing the perception of rightful Jewish claims on ‘biblical land’, the construction of Jewish settlements in the conquered territories intensified after the 1977 elections, which ended the dominance of the Labour Party. Yet as the first Intifada made disturbingly visible, Israel’s de facto rule over the Palestinian population created a dilemma of democracy versus Jewish majority in the long run. With the beginning of Oslo and the option of territorial compromise, the rift between supporters of Eretz Israel and Medinat Israel deepened to an unprecedented degree, the assassination of Prime Minister Rabin in November 1995 being the most dramatic evidence.
• Klug, Brian. No, anti-Zionism is not anti-semitism. guardian.co.uk, Wednesday December 3 2003.
• Anti-Zionism is anti-semitism; Behind much criticism of Israel is a thinly veiled hatred of Jews, Emanuele Ottolenghi, Guardian, 29 November 2003
• Bauer, Yehuda. Interview with Michael Krasny. Yehuda Bauer: Anti-Semitism (RealMedia). Forum. KQED-FM San Francisco, California. January 11, 2005. Retrieved on 2007-05-30.
• Laqueur, Walter (March 2006). "Golda Meir and the Post-Zionists". Dying for Jerusalem: the past, present and future of the holiest city. Naperville, Illinois: Sourcebooks, Inc. pp. pg. 55. LCCN 2005-25006. ISBN 9781402206320. OCLC 61704687. "..behind the cover of "anti-Zionism" lurks a variety of motives that ought to be called by their true name. When, in the 1950s under Stalin, the Jews of the Soviet Union came under severe attack and scores were executed, it was under the banner of anti-Zionism rather than anti-Semitism, which had been given a bad name by Adolf Hitler. When in later years the policy of Israeli governments was attacked as racist or colonialist in various parts of the world, the basis of the criticism was quite often the belief that Israel had no right to exist in the first place, not opposition to specific policies of the Israeli government. Traditional anti-Semitism has gone out of fashion in the West except on the extreme right. But something we might call post-anti-Semitism has taken its place. It is less violent in its aims, but still very real. By and large it has not been too difficult to differentiate between genuine and bogus anti-Zionism. The test is twofold. It is almost always clear whether the attacks are directed against a specific policy carried out by an Israeli government (for instance, as an occupying power) or against the existence of Israel. Secondly, there is the test of selectivity. If from all the evils besetting the world, the misdeeds, real or imaginary, of Zionism are singled out and given constant and relentless publicity, it can be taken for granted that the true motive is not anti-Zionism but something different and more sweeping."
• Wistrich, Robert S. (Fall 2004). "Anti-Zionism and Anti-Semitism". Jewish Political Studies Review 16 (3–4). http://www.jcpa.org/JCPA/Templates/ShowPage.asp?DBID=1&LNGID=1&TMID=111&FID=254&PID=0&IID=1064. Retrieved on 26 February 2007.
  • Nevertheless, I believe that the more radical forms of anti-Zionism that have emerged with renewed force in recent years do display unmistakable analogies to European anti-Semitism immediately preceding the Holocaust..For example, "anti-Zionists" who insist on comparing Zionism and the Jews with Hitler and the Third Reich appear unmistakably to be de facto anti-Semites, even if they vehemently deny the fact! This is largely because they knowingly exploit the reality that Nazism in the postwar world has become the defining metaphor of absolute evil. For if Zionists are "Nazis" and if Sharon really is Hitler, then it becomes a moral obligation to wage war against Israel. That is the bottom line of much contemporary anti-Zionism. In practice, this has become the most potent form of contemporary anti-Semitism..Anti-Zionism is not only the historic heir of earlier forms of anti-Semitism. Today, it is also the lowest common denominator and the bridge between the Left, the Right, and the militant Muslims; between the elites (including the media) and the masses; between the churches and the mosques; between an increasingly anti-American Europe and an endemically anti-Western Arab-Muslim Middle East; a point of convergence between conservatives and radicals and a connecting link between fathers and sons.
• "Working Definition of Antisemitism" (PDF). EUMC (2005). Retrieved on 2007-02-26. "Examples of the ways in which anti-Semitism manifests itself with regard to the State of Israel taking into account the overall context could include:
  • Denying the Jewish people right to self-determination, e.g. by claiming that the existence of a state of Israel is a racist endeavor.
  • Applying double standards by requiring of it a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation.
  • Using the symbols and images associated with classic anti-Semitism (e.g. claims of Jews killing Jesus or blood libel) to characterize Israel or Israelis.
  • Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis.
  • Holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the State of Israel. However, criticism of Israel similar to that leveled against any other country cannot be regarded as anti-Semitic."
• Said, Edward (November–December 2000). "America’s Last Taboo". New Left Review 6: 45–53. http://newleftreview.org/A2285. Retrieved on 26 February 2007. “For a totalitarian Zionism, any criticism of Israel is proof of the rankest anti-semitism. If you do not refrain, you will be hounded as an anti-semite requiring the severest opprobrium. In the Orwellian logic of American Zionism, it is impermissible to speak of Jewish violence or Jewish terror when it comes to Israel, even though everything done by Israel is done in the name of the Jewish people, by and for a Jewish state.”
• Zipperstein, Steven J. (2005). "Historical Reflections on Contemporary Antisemitism". in Derek J. Penslar, Michael R. Marrus, and Janice Gross Stein, eds. (GoogleBooks). Contemporary antisemitism: Canada and the world. Toronto, Ontario: University of Toronto Press. pp. 60–61. LCCN 2005-277647. ISBN 978-0802039316. OCLC 56531591. "Speaking, however, in terms of the preoccupations of intellectuals in the West, it seems that responses to Jews and the Jewish state are not fundamentally the byproduct of antisemitism. They are, above all, a by-product of the wildly disproportionate responses that mark the post-September 11 world. Disproportionate reaction seems increasingly the norm, especially in regards to antipathy for the United States, antipathy that has meshed, it seems to me, with an outsized antagonism for its smallest but singularly visible Middle East ally, Israel. Distinguishing such reaction from antisemitism without denying that the two coincide is not meant to dismiss the significance of such attitudes, which remain troubling, but in ways different from how they have been widely understood..What Raab means by anti-Israelism is the increasing role that a concerted, vigorous, prejudice against Israel — and he does see such sentiments as born of prejudice — has played in much of the political left, visibly in the antiglobalist campaign, but where there is no discernible hatred of Jews. Often, in this context, belief in Israel’s mendacity is shaped, above all, by simple, crude, linear notions of the causal relationship between politics, oppression, and liberation, by transparent beliefs in a world with clear-cut oppressors and oppressed — in other words, by a much distorted, simplistic, but this-worldly political analysis devoid of anti-Jewish bias. Such prejudice against Israel is not antisemitism, although undoubtedly the two can and at times do coexist. "
• Feiler, Dror (October 13, 2005). "Letter sent to the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia concerning the Working Definition of Antisemitism". European Jews for a Just Peace. Retrieved on 2007-02-26. "
  • "Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination" assumes that all Jews equate self determination with Zionism. Not only is this not true today, it has never been true. There is a long and respected tradition in Jewish history and culture among all those who have wished or wish today for cultural, religious or other forms of autonomy falling short of a Jewish state; for a binational state in Palestine as did Martin Buber and others; or for a one-state solution today, whatever form it might take – a minority view in Israel today to be sure, but held by numbers of respected Jews. To make the assumption that all Jews hold the same views is in itself a form of antisemitism.
  • "Applying double standards by requiring of it a behaviour not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation." This is a formulation that allows any criticism of Israel to be dismissed on the grounds that it is not simultaneously applied to every other defaulting state at the same time. As campaigners for a just peace in the Middle East we can affirm that it is thrown willy-nilly to stifle any and all but the narrowest criticism of acts of the Israeli government that are in prima facie breach of clause after clause of the 4th Geneva Convention. Or again, the democratic norm that all citizens in a state should be treated equally sometimes sits uneasily with some notions of Israel as a ‘Jewish state’ and it is not antisemitic to point this out or to suggest that Israel should, indeed, be a ‘state of all its citizens’.
  • "Holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the state of Israel." This is the flipside of a position, frequently expressed by Prime Minister Sharon and many Zionists, that refuses to make any distinction between the interests of Israel and those of Jews worldwide. Why it is permissible for them to make this elision but evidence of antisemitism when others do so is not clear. It might even be taken as evidence of double standards.. In reality it is all too often Zionist rhetoric which fuses the notion of Israel’s interests with those of Jews worldwide and thus fuels what the EUMC identifies (other things being equal) as a potential indicator of antisemitism.

    This is not to deny that there are circumstances in which criticisms of the state of Israel might indeed be antisemitic. But the presumption should not be that they are. This requires demonstration on a case by case basis."

• >a rel="nofollow" href="http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9406EFDE163DF935A25753C1A9649C8B63">Campus Hypocracy
• Zionism and Israel - Encyclopedic Dictionary Aliyah Definition
• Taylor, A.R., 1971, 'Vision and intent in Zionist Thought', p. 10,11
• "Sound the great shofar for our freedom, raise the banner to gather our exiles and gather us together from the four corners of the earth (Isaiah 11:12) Blessed are you, O Lord, Who gathers in the dispersed of His people Israel."
• Rachael Gelfman, Religious Zionists believe that the Jewish return to Israel hastens the Messiah
• Ehud Bandel - President, the Masorti Movement, Zionism
• Reform Judaism & Zionism: A Centenary Platform
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• Walter Laqueur, A History of Zionism (Schocken Books, New York 1978, ISBN 0805205230), p399.
• American Jewish Year Book Vol. 45 (1943-1944) Pro-Palestine and Zionist Activities, pp 206-214
• American Jewish Year Book Vol. 45 (1943-1944), Pro-Palestine and Zionist Activities, pp 206-214
• Shaul Magid, “In Search of a Critical Voice in the Jewish Diaspora: Homelessness and Home in Edward Said and Shalom Noah Barzofsky’s Netivot Shalom,” Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society n.s. 12, no. 3 (Spring/Summer 2006), p.196
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• Poll of Arab-Israelis
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• CAMERA: CAMERA ALERT: Letter by Martin Luther King a Hoax
• Frum, David (2000). How We Got Here: The '70s. New York, New York: Basic Books. p. 320. ISBN 0465041957.
• The Washington Post, September 4, 2007, Denis MacShane, The New Anti-Semitism
• Taguieff, Pierre-André. Rising From the Muck: The New Anti-Semitism in Europe. Ivan R. Dee, 2004.
• Klug, Brian. The Myth of the New Anti-Semitism. The Nation, posted January 15, 2004 (February 2, 2004 issue), accessed January 9, 2006; and Lerner, Michael. There Is No New Anti-Semitism, posted February 5, 2007, accessed February 6, 2007.
• Yes, it's anti-Semitism by Jeff Jacoby, The Boston Globe, January 7, 2009
• Dina Porat, Defining Anti-Semitism, http://www.tau.ac.il/Anti-Semitism/asw2003-4/porat.htm#_edn23 accessed 15/11/2008 See also Emanuele Ottolenghi http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2003/nov/29/comment
• Wistrich, Robert S. (Fall 2004). "Anti-Zionism and Anti-Semitism". Jewish Political Studies Review 16 (3–4). Retrieved on 25 Jaunuary 2009.
• GERMAN FOREIGN MINISTER TO WIESENTHAL CENTER: "ANTI-ZIONISM INEVITABLY LEADS TO ANTISEMITISM" Retrieved on 25 Jaunuary 2009
• 3D Test of Anti-Semitism: Demonization, Double Standards, Delegitimization
• Klug, Brian. The Myth of the New Anti-Semitism. The Nation, posted January 15, 2004 (February 2, 2004 issue), accessed January 9, 2006; and Lerner, Michael. There Is No New Anti-Semitism, posted February 5, 2007, accessed February 6, 2007.
• Taken from Criticism is not anti-Semitism on the EJJP website at http://www.ejjp.org/ accessed 20/11/2008
• Jews Against Zionism website Retrieved on 2008-06-04.
• Neturei Karta International, Jews United Against Zionism website Retrieved on 2008-06-04.
• In a state over Israel by Simon Rocker (The Guardian) November 25, 2002
• Peck, James (ed.) (1987). Chomsky Reader. ISBN 0-394-75173-6. p.7
  • "what was then called 'Zionist'..are now called 'anti-Zionist' (concerns and views)."
• Peck, James (ed.) (1987). Chomsky Reader. ISBN 0-394-75173-6. p.7
  • "I was interested in socialist, binationalist options for Palestine, and in the kibbutzim and the whole cooperative labor system that had developed in the Jewish settlement there (the Yishuv)..The vague ideas I had at the time [1947] were to go to Palestine, perhaps to a kibbutz, to try to become involved in efforts at Arab-Jewish cooperation within a socialist framework, opposed to the deeply antidemocratic concept of a Jewish state."
• Alvin H. Rosenfeld. 'Progressive' Jewish Thought and the New Anti-Semitism. American Jewish Committee. 2006.
• Patricia Cohen. Essay Linking Liberal Jews and Anti-Semitism Sparks a Furor. New York Times. January 31, 2007. Accessed March 19 2007.